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African and radiocarbon dating masks present severe limitations when applied to African objects. Very few African woods collecting growth rings and the C14 method does not give univocal dating results in the case of items masks goat the last years. This circumstance has been noted and acknowledged for over 50 years. Spectroscopy is therefore the only method available for dating African wooden objects. T he ascertainment art type and age of wood:. Surface they for the verification of the use of masks old wood. A section of art laboratory Instructions on how to take wood samples for dating African objects For dating purposes a sample of masks a few milligrams of wood dust is needed, which has to be taken fairly deep in the wood and after having removed the first african of the surface.

There are numerous fake bronzes made in Europe, which are over castings, but this process does not escape a specialist. An analysis of the alloy is meaningless, because every native caster, according to which metals are available at the moment, comes up with a different alloy.

As far as the technique of casting is concerned, it is relatively simple for a specialist to distinguish an authentic African lost wax cast from that of a fake coming from a European atelier.

It is a well-known fact that African artists carved their masks and figures out of wood cut from freshly-felled trees. Determining the age of the wood therefore permits us to establish an item's age. A very valid method used for ascertaining the age of a wooden object is IR spectroscopy. Still another example, in November , Charles Ratton sold a Baule mask at the Hotel Drouot for the sum of $50, ( F), a price never before attained by wooden art object from the Ivory Coast. A more recent record has just been in the price African art. On July 8, , Sotheby's of. Jun 24,   Behind the ancient way of life for the Tuareg tribe of the Sahara is a culture so progressive it would even make some people in liberal western cultures blush.

The patina is significant only in the case of excavated bronzes dating back several centuries, such as those of the Hittites or Greeks. Molecular analysis should solve many of the problems, for actually the molecules of a metal several thousand years old stretch imperceptibly, which is one of the reasons for the fragility of an object in antique metal as compared to new metal.

But these tests which in any event are still not perfected, do not apply in the expertise of an African object because casting processes were introduced in Black Africa by the Portuguese, and in some cases locally by the Arabs, less than 1, years ago. Generally, the fake bronzes made in Africa are very badly done and usually produced in large numbers.

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They could hardly be mistaken for originals, for the Africans do not even go to the trouble of doctoring them up seriously. They prefer working in wood, or even in ivory, which is much in demand by Europeans. I would say that the era has passed of great African casters, those direct heirs of the techniques introduced several centuries ago.

Generally speaking, it can be stated that there are no fake bronzes in Africa, which are unique pieces. Nevertheless, in spite of all the experts and the controls, there are to be found in many museums and collections, in Europe as well as in America, some fakes made outside of Africa, just as there are forgeries in areas other than Black art, notably paintings and classical antiques.

Fifteen years ago the development of the e Carbon 14 s process made it possible to date wood objects within years by determining at which moment an organic material has ceased to be radioactive. While this is invaluable in expertise Egyptian or medieval woodcarvings, it is, in my opinion, not very helpful in the case of Black art. For, as we have seen above, an authentic object can easily be less than years old and, more important, a clever forger will make an object of old wood, thereby rendering the Carbon 14 test invalid, as it determines only the age of the wood, not the time at which it was carved.

A more recent process, that of thermo luminescence, does not appear to give any better results. I have ascertained on more than one occasion that several examinations of the same object give contradictory results. In order to become convinced, one has only to refer to written reports from the laboratories at Oxford, which were devoted to a thorough examination of the Hassilar terra cotta from Anatolia.

Each report on the thermo luminescent test concludes with a different date of firing, therefore dating from a different period, and this is for objects, which are strictly identical. The discrepancies varied from to 1, and at times 2, years. One thing is certain, at least fort that which concerns the specific example of the Hassilars; either they are authentic and all date from the same period within 2 or 3 centuriesor if on the contrary, as I believe, they are the work of one forger or of one atelier, which is more probable, they have still all been produced at the same time, say, within a period of ten years.

This would demonstrate in both cases the extreme inaccuracy of these laboratory examinations.

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We come now to the fakes in wood made in Africa destined to be sold to tourists or to flood the European and American markets. They are for the most part crudely executed, have no plastic quality whatever, and in general, are done from the same stereotyped model. I do not know of any fakes done as one of a kind in this category. On the contrary, they are made in large numbers, for hand labor is not expensive and the Africans always sell them.

From time to time, a new style of fake appears which may pass undetected in the beginning, but which is rapidly followed by numerous arrivals of objects, all of the same type. We will cite two specific examples on this subject, first, that of the sculptor Paul Tahbou who, with the aid of his son, makes in his Band join Cameroon workshop large Bamileke masks of the Batcham type. These objects are most often done on order and eventually are sold to different collectors.

The artist, himself of the Mahongwe race, is the direct descendant of the last traditional sculptor who lived in the Okonja area and executed the Bieris according to the needs of neighboring villages Fig.

In these two cases, it is evident that analysis of the materials used, of the tool marks and even of the patina would serve no purpose. The two sculptors, each showing certain originality, have recognizable styles. I know personally a Kuba sculptor at Mushenge in North Kasai, another in the area of San in Mali, who execute traditional objects of their own ethnic group, either on order from Europeans, African dealers, or still for tribal ritual needs.

According to the purpose for which it was made and its final destination, the same object could be considered authentic or false.

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Moreover, originally these two objects have appreciably the same commercial value. In ten or twenty years, the one which has stayed in the village will be worth a high price this object will have been consecrated, will have. For another troubling factor in Black art and existing nowhere else, as we have indicated before, not only could a fake piece have been produced at an earlier date than an authentic one, but also the same hand could have produced the two.

The distinction should be made, however, between sculptors like Simon Mistre and Paul Tahbou, who only produce objects coming from their own ethnic group, and others, much more numerous, unfortunately, who imitate pieces from any area. In this case, they are obviously badly done, in other words, a Mahongwe reliquary executed by a Mahongwe sculptor in Gabon would be more excusable and of much better workmanship than a Nimba which should have come from the Baga country in Guinea, but which was instead made at Bamako, in Mali.

For an object of the style or of the civilization of a given tribe, which is executed by another tribe, is in principle a fake. However, there are exceptions; some artists have been induced to make ritual, functional or court objects for other regions, either as a gift or to be sold. These objects are completely authentic. On the other hand, objects characteristic of one ethnic group and produced specially for the western market are copies of questionable value, whatever the date of creation.

To simplify the problem, I can state that a Black art object cannot be definitively classified as a fake unless it is expressly copied from the original for commercial purposes Fig. No 4, 5, 6.

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Actually, there are to be found in the heart of the same tribe numerous and successive productions of objects of the same type which are always similar in design to the preceding series.

In certain regions there will exist in the same village a large number of objects, notably masks, practically identical, made in numerous copies for the ritual and daily needs of the tribe concerned and, this, from generation to generation. These objects, as well, are indisputably authentic. In Africa there is no creative artist, as such, and the purely decorative object, of which there are so many in Europe and Asia, does not exist.

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All art is functional, ritual or traditional and is inextricably part of the civilization of the ethnic group. Some pieces are executed with more or less plastic beauty, according to the talents of the creator, who is called an artist but who would more accurately be an artisan. It often falls on this person to perform the functions of sculptor and caster, and he must work exclusively for the benefit of the community, which provides him with food and shelter. He produces the masks and fetishes according to the needs of the moment, always on order of the dignitaries of the tribe and never following his inspiration of the moment, as would any conventional artist.

In effect, that which currently is called an African art object has not been conceived as such by its creator. The object made in Africa, for the various reasons explained above, became en art object upon its arrival in Europe. It was even at that time classed as ethnographic and native art. It was only a short time ago that the concept of Black art became generally accepted.

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As far as the copies are concerned, these have always existed in art. At the Louvre the notation in seen on numerous statues, Roman copy of a Greek originaland those Roman copies have in turn been copied during the Renaissance and down through the following centuries. In Black art, as we have seen above, objects of the same design have continually been redone, and if they are executed for ritual purposes, they retain great value as collection pieces.

The current fakes executed in series in the cities in Africa are less dangerous on the whole than those realized in Europe, because they are more easily detected. However, copies made in the bush according to traditional practices and having aged in the country under local climatic conditions often poses very difficult problems for the expert.

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On the other hand, there also exist well-classified and well-known styles. But one must guard against classing as fakes theses objects, which do not exactly resemble the pieces illustrated in books. Some experts are not sufficiently trained in this respect and have committed very grave errors. There is still a great deal to be learned about Africa. If the pieces characteristic of some countries are perfectly indexed, there are other regions, which are still rich in objects awaiting an accurate classification.

In the course of my 25 expeditions in Africa I have brought back objects which, at the time, were considered doubtful because the did not exist and which now are shown in the largest museums of the world and in the most important works on Black art. To cite a few examples, there are the Bambara Queens from the Bougouni region, the Tellems, the Baga Snakes, the Dogon and Bambara Irons, the large Nafana masks, falsely attributed to the Gourounsi by William Fagg when they first appeared on the market.

One should also avoid classifying an object as fake simply because only a few well-known and well-catalogued pieces existed before the war. As we said at the beginning, the enormous prices at times paid for African sculptures have encouraged the search for such pieces, and many objects of known and unknown types have been brought back from Africa. In the last 25 years the number of valuable objects in existence in Europe and the United States has increased a hundred fold, and I am sure that this is a very conservative estimate.

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For example, before the war one knew of only a few specimens of the Kifwebe mask from the Songye tribe, less than 50 in the world, to give a number. Several hundred have arrived in the last ten years and have sometimes been classed as doubtful, and even fake.

The Kurumba antelopes, the large Nimba sculptures, and still many others are equally in this category. I wish to remind the reader that at the time of my first expeditions into Africa 25 years ago, only very few oft the Dogon sculptures, the Bambara antelopes, and even the Dogon, Mossi, or Bobo masks were known to exist. Around 1 was amazed to ascertain that a very large number of specimens of these types, considered extremely rare at the time, were available in Africa.

I was not yet aware of the true situation, because after having personally brought back hundreds of them, my successors who visited these areas, Europeans as well as Africans, found several thousand more. The market value of these objects besides has considerably decreased. A Dogon Kanaga mask was worth the price of a Fang sculpture or a Kota reliquary aroun about. Today they are to be found on the market for about. What took place in West Africa twenty years ago continues today in other areas.

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I will cite briefly the hundreds of pieces brought back from Cameroon, in particular the Bangwa sculptures of which we know only a few specimens, the Dan masks and Baule sculptures from the Ivory Coast, the Bobo masks from Upper Volta, objects from all the ethnic cultures of Nigeria, the Luba and Songye sculptures from Zaire. Some of these objects number in the thousands, and I would not hesitate to add that most of those appearing on the market in the last quarter of a century are far more important than those of the same type known before the war.

This has not prevented the proportional decrease in value of a Kifwebe mask, a Luba sculpture or a Bobo mask. This is due to the ever-changing situation in Africa. The opening of roads, the creation of airports, and the rapid acceptance of Islamism, especially among the young, have incited the Africans to rid themselves of the objects in which they no longer believe.

Their growing need for money has done the rest. The search for art objects in Africa continues today with a thorough charting of each area. Sooner or later the virgin areas are systematically visited and cleaned out of all art objects. Most ethnologists have had to adapt to this new situation created by the extraordinary affluence of objects and revise certain positions. I apologize to the many others I am omitting. Others unfortunately have adopted the position of the ex-curator of the British Museum, William Fagg, who continues to propagate his personal advice with disturbing inaccuracy, persistently misleading the public, claiming for instance that there is only one authentic Kurumba antelope in the world that of the Helena Rubinstein Collectiononly two or three Nimbas, three Kifwebes, and so on One must equally guard against classing hybrid or atypical pieces as fakes, for as we have seen above, artists of some tribes have continually realized works of other tribes, sometimes far away, and this has produced a mixture of styles.

This is particularly true of artists working in ivory, as well as casters, because they have been and still are less numerous than the sculptors working in wood and have been called upon to do jewels and prestige objects in styles having no relationship to those of their own people. I have more than once heard certain ethnologists declare an object fake because they did not know of another piece exactly like it. In addition, especially where court pieces are concerned, royal objects in gold, bronze, or ivory, there is in Africa a large number of unique pieces executed on the order of kings or important chiefs.

These objects, which do not serve in the ritual ceremonies, are not of a traditional design, and some are invaluable due to their extreme rarity, indeed of their unique character. One can cite as examples the silver court objects of the Fan Empire in Dahomey, the Benin bronzes and ivories from Nigeria, the various objects from the court of the Moro Naba emperor of the Mossi in Upper Volta, those of the king of the Kuba at Mushenge in northern Kasai, and still many others.

As we have show above, the determination of the production date of an object, which is almost always the single criterion of authenticity in the classical arts, is of no consequence for the African pieces.

Of all the methods of detection provided by modern techniques, such as, the Carbon 14 test for organic materials wood, ivorymolecular analysis of metals, ultraviolet or infrared rays, as well as thermo luminescence, none are really useful. Nor can one depend uniquely on technical details, such as, the nature of the wood, patination technique, or the tools, which were employed.

A forger can obtain the right wood or scalp with traditional tools.

Also, it is possible that a perfectly authentic object can be completely lacking in patina. In my jostlement it is much more important that the expert who is called upon to give an opinion on an object have a thorough knowledge of the various details of traditional styles and possess especially that rare faculty of having an instinct for quality.

To feel the quality of an object is to have a sixth sense which unfortunately escapes too many people and which places all the responsibility of judgment with the expert. It is possible to learn to recognize the styles characterizing different tribes, their sociology, and their customs through books, which have been published on the subject, or better yet, to study them in the field.

But taste and a feeling of quality are never acquired. This is innate. It would be indiscreet to give examples here, but we all know amateurs who, without any special knowledge in the beginning, have succeeded, due to their taste and discernment, at times with very modest means, in forming collections, which count among the most beautiful in the world.

On the other hand, some specialists who hold a number of impressive degrees and have enormous funds at their disposal, has been responsible for disastrous acquisitions which have discredited the showcases of many museums and famous collections for which they have been advisors. It is relatively easy for someone to become aware of his lack of knowledge in a certain area and to remedy it, but no one is ever conscious of his lack of taste. This is the reason that those who are incapable of perceiving the quality and the beauty of an object suffer an irreversible lack which they will never be able to correct, simply because they do not feel the necessity to do so.

An authentic object can be of the highest quality or extremely mediocre.

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This will substantially affect its commercial value. A fake, on the other hand, has no quality whatever; it is a thing without life. Because that which counts in the final analysis is the capacity to feel something of the soul of the artist, and especially the spontaneity of his move. One cannot overemphasize the hand which creates has not the hesitations of the hand which copies. Therein lies the whole problem. An expert must at the same time have a wide knowledge of techniques and styles and especially a sense of quality.

His advice comes from his inner conviction but, taking into account the extreme complexity of certain problems, this is unfortunately not always sufficient. All experts have sometimes made mistakes, in all fields of art. They can even change their opinion several times on the same object.

Large museums are accustomed to taking objects considered as masterpieces from their exhibiting rooms to join the fakes on reserve in storage. This actually happened about two years ago at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York with a bronbe horse coming from Greece and dating from the geometric period.

On the admission of the director of the museum, world experts are absolutely divided on the subject of this piece, which periodically is classed as authentic or fake. Neither an examination with ultraviolet or infrared rays, nor the thermo luminescent method, nor the molecular analysis has apparently resolved the problem. I have taken the liberty of mentioning this example here because the story has been widely circulated by the American press, but usually this type of incident is handled with the utmost discretion, for obvious reasons.

Many other works of art questioned by the majority of experts are stile exhibited in different museums and their withdrawal awaits only the departure of the conservator currently in charge.

To conclude, let us say that the advice of experts is rarely unanimous. In effect, there are objects, which serve as standards of authenticity and others of falsification, but there are equally others, which do not offer the least proof one way or the other. Each expert has a feeling s for the object following his personal criteria. The expertise relies more on instinct than on technically verifiable facts; the idea of certain date does not apply to African objects: the majority among them come under the category where the expert must, above all, obey his own inner conviction.

The market with traditional African art (Documentary, 2015)

I turn here to a formula cited by Patricia de Beauvais, in an article appearing in Paris Match on September 28,entitled Has the Louvre paid a million dollars for a fake Fragonard? This remarkable account of the controversy raised by the acquisition of this painting closes on these words Battle of experts apropos to which it is fitting to recall this modest definition of a difficult profession among all: "A good expert is an expert who is wrong less often than the others".

The directors of the Louvre, as well as Mrs.

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Daniel Wildenstein, count among the most important specialists in the world on this subject. However these highly competent experts, obeying their inner convictions, bring forth diametrically opposed opinions. Let us say, in conclusion, that there is no universal authority on Black art. Africa is a large continent, with large unknown areas. A general work on Black art written by one author, and there are many of them, is worthless, all the more so because the majority of these books invariably reproduce the same famous objects.

It would take a college of ethnologists to write such a book, and preferably those having worked for years in the field, and on the objects.

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Before a woman marries, she is free to take as many lovers as she wants. The indigo veils the Tuareg men wrap so carefully around the heads have caught the imaginations of storytellers, filmmakers and travellers ever since they first came into contact with Westerners in the early s. But why they wear the veils - which can cost hundreds, and are a source of great pride - is not known.

Some say it is a practical decision, to keep the dust away. Others suggest it is to protect from the bad spirits - although whether it is bad spirits escaping the mouths of the person, or those escaping the mouths of others, is unclear.

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It is one of the many mysteries of the Tuareg, says Butler of the tribe she has been captivated by ever since her first trip. For years, the men of the Tuareg have been able to ride to a young woman's tent, and sneak into the side entrance - while his well-trained camel stands quietly and waits.

There, they will spend the night together - while the family, who all live in the tent, politely pretend not to notice. Should the woman choose to welcome a different man into her tent the next day, so be it. However, there is also a code of practice which none would dare break. Privacy is all important for this centuries old tribe of nomads, who once crossed the desert bringing dates, salt and saffron south, and slaves and gold north.

The idea of breaking the rules of courtship would be mortifying; as a result, the man is always gone before sunrise. Everything is done with utmost discretion and respect,' said Butler. The relaxed customs around sexual partners has resulted in the girls getting married later than they may otherwise do, with the age of 20 not being uncommon. Although, before then, they will have been wooed with poetry written by the men, who spend hours carefully crafting the words which they hope will win their beloved over.

But it is not a one-way street: the women are just as capable of putting pen to paper, using their own alphabet, taught to them by their mothers. Unlike in so many other cultures, women lose none of their power once they marry either. Bond: Every night, the families come together at the tents.

The men are traditionally part of the women's group - not the other way round. Centre: It means the mother's tent is the heart of the community - although they do not eat together, and do much separately. Beautiful: It is the men who cover up their faces, while the women are happy to show off their faces - although they often cover their hair. Boundaries: The Tuareg travel across countries, but it has become harder since the colonialists carved Africa up.

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As a result, the Tuareg have been arguing for secession in Niger and Mali, which has often descended into violent conflict. Class system: Tuareg women pictured in Niger. The Tuareg are divided into castes, with the nobles at the top and peasants at the bottom. Lyrical: A Tuareg woman at a music festival in Young couples write beautiful poetry to each other. Lifeline: The camels are of vital importance in the Sahara, and are often the only thing a man is left with when he gets divorced.

Ownership: Women keep the tent and all the possessions when they split, including the domestic animals which the tribe relies on to survive. Any visitor who goes to a camp would be vastly underestimating the power of the women in the tent if they believe their sole duty is to make the food and look after children.

In fact, she owns the home and the animals. And the animals are an invaluable resource to the Tuareg in the middle of the Sahara. We drink their milk, we eat their meat, we use their skin, we trade them.

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When the animals die, the Tuareg dies. Many marriages end in divorce among the Tuareg. And when it happens, it is the wife who keeps both the animals and the tent.

The Tuareg's many small groups are joined together by the same family tree - and at the top of that tree is the person who bought them all together. And it should probably come as no surprise for a tribe which views women in such regard, that person was a queen. Tin Hinan is said to have travelled south from modern day Morocco to what would one day become Algeria in the fourth century, where she became the first queen of the Tuaregs.

It is from Tin Hinan - whose name translates as 'she of the tents' - that every noble family is said to descend. Takamet, her handmaiden who travelled by her side, is believed to be the ancestor of the peasant caste.

It is unlikely there will be any quibbling over who gets what. Pre-nuptial agreements are the norm. In practice, this often means a man is forced to return home to his mother, possibly with just his camel and nothing else.

His wife, meanwhile, will keep possession of everything she brought to the marriage and that includes the children. The mother's camp, Butler explains, is the root of the community, the home everyone returns to - and this arrangement ensures it stays that way. And there is no shame in divorce.

Families will often throw their daughters a divorce party, to let other men know they are available once more. But this is not a matriarchal society, where the women are in charge. Butler explains it is still the men 'who sit and talk politics'. But even here, the women can be deferred to. They are often consulted for their views by their sons or husbands, and are quietly pulling the strings behind the scenes. However, Tuareg society is matri-lineal, which means the families trace their lines through the women, rather than the men, right the way back to their first queen.

So, Butler explained: 'Traditionally, the man would belong to the woman's group, rather than the other way around. The preference for the women's line goes as far as man leaving his possessions to his sister's son as it 'is considered a stronger link to your family than to your own son'. In other words, it can be guaranteed that your sister's child belongs to your sister, rather than a man's son, who cannot be absolutely guaranteed to share his genes.

But there is one tradition which is certainly far more unusual: it is highly rude for a man to eat in front of a woman who he cannot have sexual relations with, or any of his elders.

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In front of his mother-in-law it is especially shameful. She said the poor man was completely horrified because he has to eat with his mother-in-law.

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